Vatican Complicities in the Ethiopian Genocide 1935-1941: Will the Vatican ever apologize to Ethiopia?

Though Mussolini’s systematic genocide of the Ethiopian people from 1935-1941 occurred virtually within the same time frame as Hitler’s Nazi holocaust against the Jews from 1933-1941, nevertheless, the Fascist genocide in Ethiopia is excluded from the annals of the world’s history books and from historical genocide documents at the United Nations. While the Vatican has graciously apologized to Jews for its silence during the Nazi holocaust, it has never extended the same Christian courtesy to Ethiopians although, in their case, the Vatican was directly complicit in Fascist atrocities in Ethiopia. The Vatican’s silence and the United Nations disregard of the genocide against the Ethiopian people is counter to the principles of human rights and justice and continues to have a negative impact on every generation of all peace loving people including those of African origin.

Discrete efforts to elicit a Vatican apology have so far remained unanswered. We, therefore, have to appeal to the international community to demand a full, public apology by the Vatican for its complicity with the Fascists who perpetrated untold war crimes against humanity in Ethiopia. Click here for petition to demand apology from Vatican for its complicities

The Graziani Massacre & Its Consequences - Personal recollection

Editor's note: This is a continuation of eye-witness accounts of the tragedy that followed the assassination attempt on General Graziani which we started publishing yesterday in memoriam of SEMAETAT QEN (Martyr's Day). Today, we bring you the personal recollection of Retired Ambassador Imru Zelleke who served his country as the First Ethiopian Minister Plenipotentiary to Germany & other Western European nations during the crucial post World War II time.
Photo credit: Ondřej Žváček. 2009. Source: Wikimedia Commons.

The DANANE Concentration Camp: Personal Collection by Retired Ambassador Imru Zelleke

Heroes are not calculators and speculators, they are made of pure spirit, they are people who give their life for a good cause, fully conscious of their mortality. Abraham Debotch and Moges Asgedom are pure authentic Ethiopian heroes who gave impetus and dignity to Ethiopian patriotism at its most critical hour. Their heroism sets an eternal symbol and a noble inspiration for all Ethiopian patriots, especially when our people suffer under the yoke of violent and ruthless dictatorships, and the national survival is at stake.

My personal recollections of those tragic days are somehow confused, I hope to be excused if memory fails me, and for not mentioning thousands of deeds that should be told and a plethora of people that should be remembered. The horror that happened after the attempt on Graziani’s life is an unforgettable incident and probably the most distressing life experience that has marked many of my generation and myself. After the attempt made on his life, Graziani gave free rein to all Italians, military and civilian alike, to kill, beat and arrest any Ethiopian at their whim. There ensued a terrible period of massacre and violence on the whole population. This episode of absolute terror lasted three days. Thousands died and were maimed by the Italians who were using guns, bayonets, knives even picks and shovels to prey on people, indiscriminate of age and gender. The Camice Nere (Black Shirts Fascists cadre), the Legione di Lavoro (Workers Legion) and the Polizzia Coloniale (Colonial Police) had a field day. Our house overlooked Menelik Square, from the second floor I could see many Italian military, civilians, and policemen killing and beating people who in panic were trying to take refuge in the Municipality. In my young mind what shook me to the core was the extreme and indiscriminate violence inflicted on peaceful people, which even today after witnessing the unfolding of so many dramas, I find difficult to rationalize. The massacre occurred all over the country, it is impossible to estimate how many people were killed, some say thirty thousand, I am sure there were more victims than that.

The Author as 6 years old boy & his parents Bejirond Zelleke & Azalech Gobena

At the time our compound, in Arada, was occupied and had become the Headquarters of the Carabinieri. A day after the attempt on Graziani, my mother, my two sisters and I were arrested. I was twelve years old, my sisters Ketsela and Zena were nine and two years old arrested. . We were kept prisoners in the basement of a villa by our property. We passed a horrible and terrifying first night because there were some Italian prisoners that were being interrogated and were screaming in agony, (these Italian nationals were probably anti-fascists or criminals). The next day they brought us upstairs on the veranda and from there we were transferred to Akaki (Nefas Silk) where they had setup a large concentration camp. My half-brother Mesfin Zelleke was 22 years old, a civil engineer graduate from Lausanne University and the Ponts et Chausses (Bridges & Roads Faculty) of Montpellier University was also arrested and we met him in the camp. Hundreds of prisoners were brought there from all over Ethiopia. Many of them were country people and simple farmers, they did not know what was going on and why they were there. The camp was a sort of distribution center from where the prisoners were sifted and sent to various prisons and concentration camps.
We were crammed in large military tents with no facilities and sleeping on the ground with no cover. This was our initiation to the horrid realities that were to follow. Nothing exceptional happened in this camp but for one incident: an Italian sentinel bayoneted and killed a pregnant woman. The woman and her husband were peasants who had never been out of their village and did not understand why they were detained. The woman who wanted to relieve herself, went to the camp gate to ask for direction. It was very dark at night, when the sentinel saw this big fat woman accost him, he was so scared that he simply impaled her with his bayonet. Her husband, a fellow named Wolde Gabriel, went stark mad on the spot, became very violent and was put in chains. He was sent to Danane, where still chained, raving and screaming around the camp, he died after a few months.
We were kept in the Akaki camp for about a week, in the beginning of March 1937, they began sending the detainees to the various destinations where they would be jailed. Some groups were taken to Italy, a small number of intellectuals were sent to Nokra in the Dahlak Islands, the worst prison of all. The bulk of prisoners in Akaki went to the Danane concentration camp in Somalia, forty kilometers south of Mogadiscio.We were amongst this last group.

Photo Source: Wikimedia Commons.
If I remember correctly the journey to Danane took about four weeks. There were hardly any roads but for tracks made by the army during the invasion. The prisoners were crammed in covered trucks without sides, there were no benches. The trucks were so crowded that no other position but sitting or standing was possible. Prisoners were allowed down from the trucks for a couple of short spells a day, to relieve themselves. Otherwise they had to stay in the trucks all the time. A small amount of food and water was given every day, mostly galletta (a hard piece of bread) and some tomato paste. When we arrived in Dire-Dawa, we camped outside the city. By then many people had become sick with malaria, diarrea and other ailments.

At Dire-Dawa a few people who had money on them, were allowed to go shopping under guard. The worst part of the journey was crossing the Ogaden past Jijiga. It was raining heavily and the grounds had simply become a mud pool. Whenever the trucks sank in the mud and could not move, all prisoners had to climb down and push them. The convoy could travel only a few kilometers a day. Even more people became sick of exhaustion and hunger. Some people died - as there was not time to bury them, the bodies were left by the road. The Somali askaris (colonial troops) that were guarding us were irascible and very cruel; they did not give any help to the prisoners. They would beat a prisoner for any excuse.

The Danane prison (was completely erased by the Italians when in the 1950’s they were administering Somalia under UN trusteeship) consisted of a very big compound surrounded by eight meters high walls, with guard towers. The compound was divided in four sections of which one contained the administration offices and the infirmary. The other three sections were for prisoners. Inside there were tukuls to house the prisoners. However, because of the large number of prisoners open sheds were also built around the walls, where a straw mat and a space of about eighty centimeters was allocated to each person. The walled camp was only for men, the women’s camp was outside in a separate area adjacent to the prison walls. The women’s compound consisted of some large military tents surrounded with barbed wire. Later on, when the number of prisoners increased they had to build yet more camps with tents and fences. Inside the camps relatives, friends and acquaintances tried to stay together in order to support each other.

There was no communication between the compounds. After a while they allowed married men to visit their wives on Sundays. There was no physical contact; they simply talked over the fence for the short time that was allowed. Because I was young I was allowed to go and visit my mother and my sisters. At one time I was so sick with malaria, they let me stay with my mother until I recovered. Outside the camps an isolated tent, called Lazaretto that served as a last resting place for those who were moribund and could not take care of themselves, They were simply left there to die. A young nurse and I were the only ones that went there to give them some water and food. Few lasted more than two or three days before they passed away.

I am not sure of the number, but I think there were, according Italian documents found in later years, some 6200 prisoners in Danane form which only 3000 survived. (** M. Dominioni, Study Piacentini 2004 photos) The first few months were terrible. Food consisted of boiled vegetables and gallettas that were already rotten and full of worms. Drinking water was drawn from wells dug in the vicinity of the sea, which made it salty. In the beginning there was no medical treatment, although later they assigned a doctor to the camp. People got sick with malaria, dysentery, scurvy, typhus, tropical sores and all sorts of diseases, caused by malnutrition and extremely bad living conditions. Several hundred died during the first few months, On the whole I think that more than one third of prisoners that were taken to Danane died there. Conditions in the main prisons were terrible because of the high walls surrounding it, there was not enough air circulation. The hot climate of the area made it suffocating and very unhealthy. There were only eight or ten holes in the latrines, you can imagine what it was like with hundreds of people suffering from diarrhea.

Every morning the adult males were taken out of the camp to gather wood and do some arduous work that the camp commandant had ordered. In the evening people prayed and cried ‘Igziyooo!,’ a group prayer chant. As I couldn’t do any heavy manual work because of my age, I was assigned to the infirmary where I helped cleaning and doing odd jobs. There, I saw more death and human agony than for the rest of my whole life. Otherwise there was not much to do; a lot of time was spent in reading the Bible and some religious literature that was available. Some of the educated took to teaching the young. Actually I learned Italian and many other subjects from them, especially from my brother. Chess and gebeta, played with rudimentary boards, were very popular games. Or else our time was taken up in arguments and speculations about our fate, religions, politics and history that led to endless discussions. There was no attempt to escape because the people in the surrounding areas were hostile. I heard later, though, that two men had escaped and made it home.

Zaptié (colonial military police) from Italian Somalia in 1939. Photo Source: Wikimedia Commons.

On Sundays we were allowed to go to the beach where we could wash ourselves and launder our meager clothing. Thank God, the climate was hot and whatever tattered cloths we had were enough to cover ourselves. Some people become skilled even at sewing some garments out of any rags they could find. Occasionally people were allowed to write home, they also received letters from their families. Spirits were generally high, there was always something to laugh or cry about, people had not lost hope they believed firmly that they would be free and that the Italian would go away someday. People helped each other in whatever way they could. There were no ethnic divisions, poor or rich, high or rank, everyone helped everyone. Compassion and generosity are indeed ingrained in the Ethiopian character; they are particularly manifest in such dire situations. Some of the people I remember are: Fitawrari Haile Zelleqa, Major Asfaw Ali, Major Bahru Kabba who died in prison, Ato Tewodros Mengasha, Yassu Mengasha (Lt. Gen) Tigre Makonnen Hailemariam, Ato Wolde Endeshaw, Ato Bekele Tessema, Ato Yassu (?), W/ro Tsige Mengasha, W/ro Atzede Wolde Amanuel, W/ro Shitaye Wolde Amanuel, Ato Bayou Wolde Giorgis, Ato Mokria Makonnen, Fitawrari Ambaw Gulilate, Fitawrari Wossene Awrariss , Ato Tekle Tsadik Mokria, and many others.

There are countless anecdotes about the Ethiopian moral fiber during the Italian occupation; some are funny others are sad. Here are two samples: one tragic-comic the other heroic: This story is about a remarkable man, it happened in Addis Ababa Tyit-bet (that was converted into a prison), where he was detained.

Dr. Alemewerq Beyene with Daniel Abebe Aregay. Photo Source: Media Ethiopia.
His name was Dr. Alemework, he was a veterinarian graduate from the UK. The prison authorities had put him in charge of the infirmary. Not only did he not know anything about human ailments, he had no medicine to treat even a headache. His only real function was to register the dead in the prison ledger. So, on the column that said ‘cause of death’ he wrote in Italian ‘Morto per la Patria’ (Died for the Country). When this was discovered and he was interrogated his reply was that, since he didn’t know what caused their death, he it thought appropriate to register the real reason for which they were jailed. The Italians authorities were not amused, and they sent him to Nocra prison, where he stayed for five years. The other story is about a hero: His name was Captain Bezuayehu (later Dejazmatch). He was a member of the Imperial Guard. In Danane he use to tell us that as soon as he was freed, he was going to kill a few of the enemy and then join the resistance. Which he did.
Sometime in the fall of 1938 some three hundred of us were returned to Addis Ababa and freed. By that time Graziani, because of his excessive brutality and the spreading Ethiopian resistance, was replaced by the Duke of Aosta as Viceroy. The Italians had reversed to their former pacification policy and wanted to show clemency, which I suspect was the reason for our release. My brother was not freed; he was transferred to Nocra prison, in the Dahlak islands, were he stayed for another year. The remaining political prisoners were released from time to time, and all those who survived, some seven hundred out of about three thousand, returned home. We returned to Addis Ababa after another grueling journey across the Ogaden back to the camp in Akaky where we had departed from. A few days later came Cerulli, who was then Vice-Governor General, accompanied by Ras Hailu Tekle-Haimanot and Professor (Negadras) Afework, and told us that thanks to the clemency of the King, the Duce and everybody in the Fascist firmament we were pardoned for our crimes and set free.
Read more from Ambassador Imru's memoirs here

"Burning Houses Illuminated the African Night"

Editor's note: In memoriam of SEMAETAT QEN (Martyr's Day), we will be posting in the coming couple of days, eyewitness accounts of the genocidal attempt Fascist Italian forces have unleashed on residents of Addis Ababa & other cities. Images showing some victims of the massacre (though disturbing for some) are posted to provide visual context as to the scale of the massacre. We regret for the inconvenience it may create to some. Speaking of eye witness accounts, it seems a well researched book providing such accounts and new perspective to the plot for assassination attempt on Graziani has been published recently. It is entitled "The Plot to Kill Graziani: The Attempted Assasination of Mussolini's Viceroy". The author is Ian Campbell and is published by Addis Ababa University Press in 2010. Based on reviews by people who read the book, it is a must read book to learn about the assassination attempt and the massacre that followed the assassination attempt.

The Graziani Massacre and Consequences

[by] Prof. Richard Pankhurst
...One of several graphic eye-witness accounts is provided by the Hungarian, Dr Ladislav Sava, or Shaska. He recalls that immediately after the attempt, the fascist party leader, Guido Cortese,

"convoked the blackshirts to the seat of the Fascio, the chiefs to a consultation, and the others to wait for orders. Very soon they sped from the Fascio in every direction, fully armed. Everyone in the town was a prey to anticipation, but what really happened was worse than anyone had feared. I am bound to say, for it is true, that blood was literally streaming down the streets. The corpses of men, women and children, over which vultures hovered, were lying in all directions. Great flames from the burning houses illuminated the African night. . ."

"The greatest slaughter began after 6 o'clock in the evening... During that awful night, Ethiopians were thrust into lorries, heavily guarded by armed blackshirts. Revolvers, truncheons, rifles and daggers were used to murder completely unarmed black people, of both sexes and all ages. Every black person seen was arrested and bundled into a lorry and killed, either in the lorry or near the Little Ghebi [the present Addis Ababa University building], sometimes at the moment when he met the blackshirts. Ethiopian houses and huts were searched and then burnt with their inhabitants. To quicken the flames, benzine and oil were used in great quantities. The shooting never ceased all night, but most of the murders were committed with daggers and blows with a truncheon at the head of the victim. Whole streets were burned down, and if any of the occupants of the houses ran out from the flames they were machine-gunned or stabbed with cries of 'Duce! Duce! Duce!' From the lorries in which groups of prisoners were brought up to be murdered near the Ghebi, the blood flowed on to the streets and again from the lorries we heard the cry, `Duce! Duce! Duce!'".

"I shall never forget," Sava concludes, "that I saw that night Italian officers passing in their luxurious cars through the blood-drenched streets, stopping at some point whence they could have a better panorama of the murdering and the burning, accompanied by their wives whom I am very reluctant to call women."

The Ethiopian Embassy in London

Another eye-witness report, released by the Ethiopian Legation in London, declared that:

"the streets were strewn with dead bodies... No one dared venture out. From that time began a method which was followed thoroughly during the three long days... The method consisted of setting fire to the houses, waiting for the inhabitants to be driven out by the fire and massacring them without distinction, with daggers, bayonets, hand grenades, cudgels, stones and, at times, with guns. One could see groups of Fascists chaining the lorries and amusing themselves by dragging along poor men from one part of the town to the other until their bodies fell to pieces... In certain quarters the corpses entirely covered the streets and the squares. In St. George's Square already robbed of the equestrian statue of Menelik II, the dead bodies formed a veritable pile. Now the appearance of the city is like a field of battle after the fighting is over."

A Missionary Account

The above picture was later corroborated by the American missionaries, Herbert and Della Hanson. They report that on visiting the city shortly after the massacre they

" found large areas burned that had formerly been covered with inhabited huts. Even around the hospital walls, where there had been many huts, all was blackened ruins. It made us heart sick to see the devastation, especially where we learned that many of the huts had been burned with their owners in them."

French and British Reports

Shortly after the massacre a special correspondent of the "Manchester Guardian" reported that the French Minister in Addis Ababa had stated that 6,000 Ethiopians had been "murdered in three days," and that the British Consulate "knew over 2,000 names of the killed."

Subsequent Statements On Oath

Other observers, speaking later on oath, also confirm the above accounts. Thus an Armenian merchant, Edouard Garabedian, related that on the first day of the massacre he heard Italians

"saying they were waiting orders for reprisals", and that "at about five o'clock, I saw them with my own eyes, beating every Ethiopian they could find. These Italians were civilians. They were using what they could find, as cudgels, etc... I learnt from some of the Italians that they had received orders to burn different Ethiopian quarters. They were burning houses during the whole night... Next morning I heard that many Ethiopians had been killed during the night when the Italians were burning their houses. The following day I started to go to my work at 9 o'clock but there was a great panic and Ethiopians were running from everywhere without self-control. The Italian blackshirts were pursuing them and beating them... That day I did not go out from my house; but from there I heard much shooting and I saw burning houses all around.

"On the third day I went to my shop. This time there were no Ethiopians to be seen in the streets, but many Italians were circulating. I heard many of them saying that they had burnt such and such places and that they had murdered so many Ethiopians."

Not an Accidental Fire

Captain Toka Binegid, an Ethiopian in the Addis Ababa municipal fire-brigade, likewise later testified that when the first signs of fire were seen his commanding officer [an Italian] ordered them to the Sidist Kilo area of the town to put out an assumed accidental conflagration, but "when we arrived there we saw the Italians burning the houses intentionally, so our officer ordered us not to put out the fire, saying he understood what it was all about. While still standing there we saw many people being killed by Italians while trying to escape from burning houses.

"The Italians," Toka adds, "divided themselves into different formations: while some of them were murdering, some collected the corpses and threw them on the trucks. They were gathering the corpses from the roads with iron rakes. Among the persons who were pulled by the iron rakes many were alive... I saw Italian soldiers being photographed while standing on the dead bodies of their victims. The burning of houses and killing of people which started on Friday... continued up to Monday morning."

Another observer of these events, Blatta Dawit Ogbazgi, who was arrested on the Friday and detained with "about a thousand people" in a police station near Ras Makonnen Bridge, later testified that "the same day people were brought in lorries; they were taken without distinction and most of them were bleeding from hits. The fascists used to throw them down from the lorries. Some of them rolled down to the river because they were thrown from the lorries, and these the Italians shot in front of us. All the houses and tukuls which were in front of us were burning."

The Death Toll Among the Foreign Educated

During the massacre the fascists murdered a number of foreign-educated Ethiopians, above all those who had studied in Britain or the United States. The death toll thus included Tsege Marqos Wolde Tekle, Gabre Medhen Awoqe, Ayenna Birru, Yohannes Boru, and Yosuf and Benjamin Martin, sons of the Ethiopian Minister in London, all six of whom had been students in England; Besha Worrid Hapte Wold and Makonnen Haile, who had both studied in the United States; and Kifle Nassibu who was French-educated.

Consequences for the Patriotic Movement

This terrible massacre, it is generally agreed, had a profound influence on Ethiopian thinking, and gave new strength to the resistance movement. The "New Times and Ethiopia News" correspondent in Djibouti reported shortly afterwards, on 11 March, that Addis Ababa was "almost empty of Abyssinians," and added that as a result of the incident "the Abyssinians know there is nothing left for them but to fight, and the world will presently hear that they are everywhere attacking anew. Those who fled from Addis well know what to expect from Italy and they will fight again."

This forecast proved true. Blatta Dawit, giving his evidence a decade later, stated that one of the most important results of the massacre was that Ras Abebe Aregai, the principal Patriot leader in Shoa, "had his forces increased immensely, at least by 10,000; also other patriot forces received reinforcements, because when people heard of what had taken place... they left their homes and went away from the neighborhood of Addis Ababa."

Salome Gabre Egzaiabher, studying the question three decades later likewise attached considerable significance to this development. She declares that "many of the people of Addis Ababa who escaped from the shootings went to join the Patriots who were living in the forests around the capital".

Source: http://www.geocities.com/~dagmawi/News_ ... Jun19.html

This week in Ethiopian history Feb. 18-24

Ras Alula who was born from peasant family and rose to become Atse Yohannes's best General & powerful Governor of Mereb Melash (present day Eritrea) died on 19 February 1897. Source: Ehrlich, H. ’74 – Alula, ‘The Son of Qubi’: a ‘King's Man’ in Ethiopia, 1875–1897. J. of African History. Vol. 15#2.

February 19-22, 1937 Following an attempt on General Graziani's life by Abraha Deboch & Moges Asgedom, Fascist Italian forces responded ruthlessly and carried out a 3 day massacre that killed 30,000 residents of Adisaba. Many of the young educated Ethiopians were executed that day.[Stay tuned for guest blog entry featuring an eye witness account of those tragic days to be posted in couple of days. Editor]

February 21, 1543 - Imam Ahmad bin Ibrahim (Gragn Ahmed) was killed in battle at a place called Wayna Daga & his army disintegrated. Source: Futuh Al Habasa - The Conquest of Abyssinia.p. iii and R. Pankhurst - The Ethiopians p. 92-3.

On February 23, 1974 - Popular revolt in various cities and mutinies by some units of Ethiopian armed forces led to resignation of Prime Minister Aklilu Habtewold cabinet.

Born on Yekatit 16 / Feb. 24

Dagnachew Worku in 1928 E.C./1936 G.C. - Novelist, Playwright, Poet, Translator & University Lecture.

Captain Alemayehu Abebe in 1916 E.C./1923 G.C. - Commercial Jet Pilot. A pioneer in Ethioipian aviation history. First black African to command commercial jetliner across the Atlantic.

Waldeba's monastic life under threat

የዋልድባ ገዳማት ህልውና እና ክብር ለአደጋ ተጋልጧል
የካቲት 1 ቀን 2ሺህ 4 ዓ.ም

በገዳሙ ክልል እና ዙሪያ (በዓዲ አርቃይ ወረዳ በኩል) የፓርክ ይዞታ ለመከለል እና
የስኳር ፋብሪካ ለማቋቋም በሚል በሚካሄደው የጥርጊያ መንገድ ሥራ (ከማይ ፀብሪ
እስከ ዕጣኖ ማርያም) የቅዱሳን አበው ዐፅም እየፈለሰ መሬቱ እየታረሰ ነው።
· የሦስቱ ገዳማት ማኅበረ መነኮሳት ዕቅዱ የገዳሙን ክብር የሚጋፋ ህልውናውንም
የሚያጠፋ በመሆኑ እንዲቆምላቸው ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ጥያቄ አቅርበዋል።

· መንግሥት ካቀዳቸው 10 ግዙፍ የስኳር ፋብሪካ ግንባታ ፕሮጀክቶች አንዱ በዋልድባ
ገዳም ክልል እና ዙሪያ (ወልቃይት - መዘጋ) የሚቋቋም ሲሆን በዛሬማ ወንዝ ላይ 3.8
ቢልዮን ሜትር ኪዩብ ውኃ የመያዝ አቅም ያለውና 40,000 ሄ/ር የሸንኮራ ተክል
የሚለማበት ግድብ ይቆምለታል፤ ግድቡ በሚሸፍነው ስፍራ (ማይ ዲማ) የሚገኙ አራት
አብያተ ክርስቲያን የሚነሡ ሲሆን ለ10,000 የፕሮጀክቱ ጊዜያዊ እና ቋሚ ሠራተኞች
የመኖሪያ ካምፕ ግንባታ እየተካሄደ ነው።
· “በቅድስት ገዳማችን ዋልድባ ውስጥ ለሚደረገው አግባብ ያልሆነ እንቅስቃሴ አበው
ቅዱሳን አባቶቻችን ልዩ ሥራ እንዳይሠራባት የውግዘት ቃል (እንበለ ፈላሲ ኢይባዕ
ነጋሲ) ያሳለፉባት ቦታ በመሆኗ ማኅበረ መነኮሳቱ ባደረግነው ምልአተ ጉባኤ መሠረት
ለሚሠራው ሥራ ፈጽሞ ፈቃዳችን አለመሆኑንና የአባቶቻችን ቅዱሳንን ፈለግ ሕግና
ሥርዐት ተከትለን የምንሄድ መሆናችንን በጥብቅ እናሳውቃለን”።

(ደጀ ሰላም፤ ፤ ፌብሩዋሪ 10/2012)፦

2
ከኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ታላላቅ እና ታሪካዊ ገዳማት አንዱ ነው፤
ለግሑሳን(ፍጹማን) ባሕታውያን መሸሸጊያ፣ ለስውራን ቅዱሳን መናኸርያ፣ በብዙ ሺሕ
ለሚቆጠሩ መነኮሳት፣ መነኮሳይያት እና መናንያን መጠጊያ፣ ለምእመናኑንም መማፀኛ እና
ተስፋ ነው - የዋልድባ ገዳም፡፡


ቅዱሳን አበው እንደ ጽፍቀተ ሮማን የሰፈሩበት፣ እንደ ምንጭ የሚፈልቁበት ገዳሙ
እመቤታችን ከልጇ ጌታችን መድኃኒታችን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ መዋዕለ ስደት ወቅት በኪደቱ
እግር ከረገጧቸው መካናት አንዱ ነው፡፡ በወቅቱ ጌታችን የወይራ ተክል ተክሎና አለምልሞ
አርኣያ ስቅለቱን ገልጾበታል፤ ለቅዱሳኑ “እንደ ኢየሩሳሌም ትኹንላችሁ፤” ብሎ ቃል
ኪዳን በመስጠት እህል እንዳይዘራባት፣ ኀጢአት እንዳይሻገርባት፣ ከድንግል አፈሯ
የተቀበረ እንዳይወቀስባት እንዳይከሰስባት አዝዟል፡፡ በሰሜን ተራራዎች ግርጌ ዙሪያዋን
በሰሜን አንሴሞ፣ በምሥራቅ ተከዜ፣ በምዕራብ ዘወረግ እና በደቡብ ዜዋ በተባሉ አራት
ወንዞች በተከበበችውና የኢትዮጵያ ገዳማት ሁሉ መመኪያ በተባለችው ገዳም ከሙዝ
ተክል ከሚዘጋጀው ቋርፍ እና ቅጠላ ቅጠል በቀር እህል አይበላባትም፡፡
በዚያ ቅዱሳን አበው፣ መነኮሳት እና መነኮሳይያት ረሀቡንና ጥሙን ታግሠው፣
የአገርን ቅርስና ሀብት ጠብቀው ለኢትዮጵያና ለመላው ዓለም እያለቀሱና እየጸለዩ፣ ዲማ
በተባለው ፍልፍል ዛፍ በኣታቸው እያለፉ ኖረዋል፤ ቦታው ከፍተኛ የድኅነትና ሃይማኖት
ሥፍራ ነውና ዛሬም ለአገር ሰላም፣ ፍቅርና ዕድገት ያልተቋረጠ ጸሎት እየተካሄደበት
የሚገኝበት ቢሆንም ለ2000 ዓመታት በነገሥታቱ ሳይቀር ተጠብቆ የኖረውን ክብሩንና
ሞጎሱን የሚፈታተን፣ ገዳማዊ ሕጉንና ሥርዐቱን የሚጋፋ፣ ማኅበረ መነኮሳቱንም ለከባድ
ኀዘንና ጭንቀት የሚዳርግ አደጋ ተጋርጦበታል፡፡
3

የዋልድባ አብረንታንት ገዳም ዘቤተ ሚናስ ማኅበር፣ የዋልድባ ሰቋር ኪዳነ ምሕረት
ገዳም ማኅበር እና የዋልድባ ዳልሽሓ ኪዳነ ምሕረት አንድነት ገዳም ማኅበር ምልአተ
ጉባኤ ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ አቶ መለስ ዜናዊ በጻፉት አምስት ገጽ ደብዳቤ ላይ
እንደተገለጸው÷ በዓዲ አርቃይ ወረዳ በኩል የዋልድባን ገዳም ውስጡን በፓርክነት
ለመከለል በቀለም የተቀለሙ ምልክቶች እየተተደረጉ ነው፡፡ በወልቃይት ወረዳ ልዩ ስሙ
መዘጋ በተባለ የገዳሙ የእርሻ እና አዝመራ ቦታ ላይ መንግሥት የዛሬማን ወንዝ ገድቦ
የስኳር ፋብሪካ ለማቋቋም በሰፊው እየተንቀሳቀሰ ይገኛል፡፡ በገዳሙ ክልል ዘልቆ የሚያልፍ
ጥርጊያ መንገድ ለመሥራት በግሬደር እና ሌሎችም ከባድ የሥራ መሣሪያዎች
በሚካሄደው ቁፋሮ የቅዱሳን አባቶች ዐፅም እየታረሰና እየፈለሰ መሆኑ የገዳሙን
መነኮሳትና መናንያን ከፍተኛ ሐዘንና ጭንቀት ላይ ጥሏቸዋል፡፡
የማኅበረ መነኮሳቱ ደብዳቤ ጨምሮ እንደሚያብራራው የዛሬማ ወንዝ ግድብ
ሲቆም በውኃ ሙላቱ ሳቢያ ከሚጠፉት የገዳሙ ወሳኝ ይዞታዎች መካከል የሚከተሉት
ይገኙበታል፡-
1) ልዩ ስሙ አባ ነፃ የተባለ የብዙ ቅዱሳን ዐፅም በክብር የፈለሰበትና የረገፈበት፣
ብዙ መነኮሳት እና መናንያን የሚቀመጡበት (የሕርመት/ተዐቅቦ ቦታ) የጻድቁ አቡነ
ተስፋ ሐዋርያት ቤተ ክርስቲያንና መቃብር እንዲሁም የሙዝ ቋርፍ በከፍተኛ ደረጃ
የሚዘጋጅበት እጅግ ሰፊ የሆነ የአትክልት ሥፍራ፤
2) በመዘጋ የሚገኙት ሞፈር ቤቶች/በገዳሙ ውስጥ እህል ስለማይበላ የዓመት
ቀለብ የሆነ ቋርፍ የሚዘጋጅበት የአትክልት ስፍራ/፤
3) በመዘጋ የገዳሙ መነኮሳት እህል የሚቀምሱበት ቤት፤
4) ጥንታውያን የሴቶች መነኮሳይያት መኖሪያ ገዳሞችና ታሪካዊ ቦታዎች፤

እነዚህም፡-
4.1) ማየ ሕርገጽ ቅዱስ ጊዮርጊስ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ከመነኮሳት፣
መነኮሳይያት፣ መናንያን፣ የገዳሙ ተማሪ ቤቶችና መኖሪያ ቤቶቻቸው፤
4
4.2) ዕጣኖ ቅድስት ማርያም ቤተ ክርስቲያን የመነኮሳት፣ መነኮሳይያት
አጠቃላይ መናንያን የገዳሙ የቤተ ክህነት ትምህርት መማሪያ ቤቶች ከመምህሮቻቸውና
ተማሪዎቻቸው ጋራ፤
4.3) በተለይም በዋልድባ አብረንታንት ውስጥ ያሉ ባሕታውያን፣ መነኮሳትና
መናንያን የሙዝ ቋርፍ የሚዘጋጅበት ገዳሙ በዋናነት የሚተዳደርበት እጅግ ሰፊ
የአትክልት ቦታ፤
4.4) ደላስ ቆቃህ አቡነ አረጋዊ ቤተ ክርስቲያን የመነኮሳት፣ መነኮሳይያት፣
መናንያን መኖርያ ቤቶች፣ የገዳሙ ቤተ ክህነት ት/ቤቶች፣ መምህሮቻቸውና
ተማሪዎቻቸው እስከ መኖርያ ቤቶቻቸው ናቸው፡፡
ከላይ የተዘረዘሩት የገዳሙ ይዞታዎች ከጠፉ ገዳሙ ምንም ዐይነት የገቢ ምንጭና
መተዳደር /በደላሳ ቆቃህ እንደ ማሽላ፣ ዳጉሳ በማምረት/ የማይኖረው በመሆኑ መነኮሳቱ፣
መነኮሳይያቱ፣ መናንያኑ፣ መምህራኑና ተማሪዎቻቸው ለረሃብ እና ስደት የሚዳረጉ
በመሆኑ ማኅበሩ ሙሉ በሙሉ እንደሚያከትምለት ያስረዳው ደብዳቤው÷ መንግሥት
ሐዘናቸውንና ጩኸታቸውን ሰምቶ የገዳማቸውን ሕግ እና ሥርዐት እንዲያስከብርላቸው
ተማፅነዋል፡፡

ቀደም ሲል በተለይም ከ1997 ዓ.ም ወዲህ ማይ ሰርኪን ከተባለው ቦታ ወርቅ
እናወጣለን በሚሉ ቆፋሪዎችና ዕጣን እንለቅማለን በሚሉ መቀርተኞች (ቁጥራቸው
በዐሥር ሺሕዎች በሚገመት ሰፋሪዎች) ተጥለቅልቀው ሲታወኩና ሲረበሹ መቆየታቸውን
የጠቀሰው የማኅበረ መነኮሳቱ ደብዳቤ አሁን ደግሞ ፓርክ ለመከለል፣ የስኳር ፋብሪካ
ለማቋቋምና ጥርጊያ መንገድ ለማውጣት የሚካሄደው እንቅስቃሴ ለገዳሙ ህልውና
በእንቅርት ላይ ጆሮ ደግፍ እንደሆነበት አትቷል፡፡
በበጋ ወቅት መንሥኤው የማይታወቅ የሰደድ እሳት ከሚያወድመው ደን ባሻገር
በወርቅ ጫሪዎቹ እና በዕጣን መቀርተኞቹ ሳቢያ አበው መነኮሳት ጭብጥ ቋርፍ ይዘው
ሱባኤ የሚይዙባቸው/የሚሰወሩባቸው ዛፎች (ፍልፍል ዲማ)፣ መድኃኒትነት ያላቸው

ዕፀዋትና የግሑሳኑ መሳፈርያ የሆኑት የዱር እንስሳት (አንበሳ፣ አጋዘን፣ ነምር) ከገዳሙ
እየጠፉ መሆናቸውም ተመልክቷል፡፡
ከማኅበረ መነኮሳቱ ጋራ ባለፈው ዓመት የመዘጋ እና የወልቃይት ነዋሪዎች ማይ ገባ
ንኡስ ወረዳ ላይ የተቃውሞ ድምፃቸውን በሰልፍ ማሰማታቸውንም ያወሱት የገዳማቱ
ተወካዮች ልማትን የሚቃወሙ ባይሆንም ስለ ዕቅዱ ምንም የተገለጸላቸው ነገር ባለመኖሩ
ቦታው የጸሎት፣ የተጋድሎና የቅድስና መሆኑ ቀርቶ የዓለማውያን መናኸርያ፣ የነጋድያንና
የሕዝብ መስፈርያ፣ የመኪና መሽከርከርያ እንዲሆን ፈቃደኞች እንዳይደሉ የገዳሙ
ማኅበር አባላት ገልጸዋል፤ በገዳሙ ልዩ ሥራ እንዳይሠራ “እንበለ ፈላሲ ኢይባዕ ነጋሲ”
በማለት ቀደምት አባቶቻቸው ያስተላለፉትን የውግዘት ቃል በማስጠበቅ በቅዱሳኑ ፈለግ
ሕግና ሥርዐት መጓዛቸውን እንደሚቀጥሉም በጥብቅ አስተውቀዋል፡፡
በአምስት ዓመቱ የመንግሥት ልማት እና ትራንፎርሜሽን ዕቅድ መሠረት በስኳር
ምርት ራስን ለመቻል ከሚቋቋሙት ዐሥር ግዙፍ የስኳር ፋብሪካ ፕሮጀክቶች መካከል
አንዱ የ4.2 ቢልዮን ብር ዕቅድ የተያዘለት ይኸው የወልቃይት ስኳር ፋብሪካ ነው፡፡
ፋብሪካው በ40,000 ሄ/ር ላይ የሚለማውን የሸንኮራ ተክል የሚጠቀም ሲሆን የውኃ
ምንጩም በዛሬማ ወንዝ ላይ የሚሠራው ርዝመቱ 700 ሜትር፣ ከፍታው 138 ሜትር
የሆነና 3.8 ቢልዮን ሜትር ኪቢዩክ ውኃ የመያዝ አቅም ያለው ግድብ ነው፡፡
ውኃው ያርፍበታል በተባለው ማይ ዲማ በተባለው ቦታ የሚገኙት የማር ገጽ ቅዱስ
ጊዮርጊስ፣ የማይ ገባ ቅዱስ ሚካኤል፣ የዕጣኖ ቅድስት ማርያም እና የደለሳ ቆቃህ አቡነ
አረጋዊ አብያተ ክርስቲያን እንደሚነሡ ተነግሯል፡፡ ሥራውን ያካሂዳል የተባለው
የፌዴራል ውኃ ኮንስትራክሽን ሥራዎች ሲሆን በአሁኑ ወቅት ለ10,000 የፕሮጀክቱ ቋሚ
እና ጊዜያዊ ሠራተኞች የካምፕ ግንባታ እየተከናወነ፣ ቦታውንም ምቹ የማድረግ ሥራ
እየተሠራ መሆኑ ተዘግቧል፡፡
በሰሜን ምዕራብ ትግራይ - ሽሬ እንዳሥላሴ እና በሰሜን ጎንደር ሀገረ ስብከት ዓዲ
አርቃይ ወረዳ ክልል በሚገኙት ሦስቱ የዋልድባ ገዳማት በአጠቃላይ ከ3000 ያላነሱ
መነኮሳትና መነኮሳይያት የሚገኙ ሲሆኑ የሴቶች ገዳም በሆነው የዳልሽሓ ኪዳነ ምሕረት
አንድነት ገዳም ከ1500 ያላነሱ ሴት መነኮሳይያት ይገኙበታል፡፡ የዋልድባ አብረንታንት
ገዳም ምክሆን ለገዳማተ ኢትዮጵያ ማኅበር ዘቤተ ሚናስ ዋነኛው የሕርመት/ተዐቅቦ ቦታ
ሲሆን ወንዶች መነኮሳት ብቻ ያሉበት፣ እስከ 50 ዓመት ድረስ በአርምሞ ከሰው
ተነጋግረው የማያውቁ ቅዱሳን በዘመናችን ሳይቀር የሚገኙበት ነው፡፡
ገዳሙን በማደራጀት እና የተባሕትዎን ኑሮ በማጠናከር በ14ኛው መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን
ከነበሩትና ሰባቱ ከዋክብት ከሚባሉት የአቡነ መድኃኒነ እግዚእ ደቀ መዛሙርት አንዱ
ጻድቁ አቡነ ሳሙኤል (ሳሙኤል ፀሐይ ዘዋሊ) ይጠቀሳሉ፤ ገዳሙን ያቀኑትም በዐምደ
ጽዮን ዘመነ መንግሥት በ1319 ዓ.ም ነው፡፡ የገዳሙን ኑሮ መልክ የሰጡት ከደብረ

ሊባኖስ በሄዱት እንደ አባ ሙሴ የመሳሰሉት አባቶች ሲሆኑ “በገዳም እንኖራለን፤ እህል
አይገባንም” በማለት ከእርሳቸው ጊዜ ጀምሮ የመነኮሳቱ ምግብ ቋርፍ - ሙዝ በጨው
ተቀቅሎ እንዲሆን ተወስኗል፡፡
የዋልድባ መነኮሳት ከነገሥታት ጉልት አይቀበሉም ነበር፤ ሲሰጥም አጥብቀው
ይቃወሙ ነበር፡፡ በዐፄ ዘርዐ ያዕቆብ /1426 - 1460 ዓ.ም/ ዘመነ መንግሥት የዋልድባ
ገዳም በአራቱ ጅረቶች መካከል እንዲሆን ተከልሎ ገዢ እንዳይገባ፣ አራሽ እንዳይሠማራ
ተከልክሏል፡፡

ቸር ወሬ ያሰማን
አሜን

"Sharing" decades before facebook

One of the advantages of social media technology such as facebook is that it enables users share something of interest with like minded people. Sharing has become easy and a common feature when one reads or find some visual materials of interest. Back in the 1970s & 80s in Ethiopia where such convenience did not exist, I and some of my bouqinist (booklover) friends used to share quotes, words of wisdom and excerpts from favorite books by copying from one another notebooks. Later, I along with a friend started 'sharing' by sending to editors of weekly columns in Ethiopian Herald & Addis Zemen. If I remember correctly the columns are: 'ADMAS' that appeared on Sunday in Addis Zemen whose column editor was Tadesse Muluneh (I may be wrong here) and 'Just a Few Points' a Saturday column on Ethiopian Herald edited by Arefayne Hagos. To our pleasure, some of the things we sent to these columns were published. I remember clipping those published items and keeping them for long time. Due to moving from one place to another, from country to country, from continent to continent in the last four decades, I lost some of my treasured collections. Surprisingly, I was able to find some of my old notebooks after such long time where handwritten words of wisdom, favorable quotes and excerpts from books read were scribed. When I kept them at the time, it was meant to be shared with few friends that were around me. I never have dreamt of such opportunity would arise and I would be able to "share" them to large number of people scattered around the world. If they have survived to this age of "sharing" Voici! here are some of them and Vive le Social Media!

This week in Ethiopian history (Feb. 11 - 17)

On February 11, 1855 Kassa Hailu of Quara was crowned as Emperor Tewodros after defeating & capturing Dejazmach Webe of Tigray three days earlier on 8 February in Darasge Battle South of Takaze River.


Born this week are:

•Kassa Tessema 1919-66 (1926-73) the charismatic songwriter & folk musician who was born on Yekatit 6 (Febrauary 13) in Menagesha District of Central Shoa, near Addis Ababa. Little is known about his early childhood or his parents except that he had a strong bond with his mother. When and where he learned to play the traditional string instrument Krar (a five- or six-string lyre) is also not clear. In 1934 EC he enrolled at Wondyirad School, later known as Tegbare-Id Vocational School, where he studied plumbing and electrical maintenance. He then joined the Engineering Corps of the Imperial Guard at Haile Selassie‘s Palace to work in the field of his training. In few years, Kassa was promoted to the rank of Corporal. He often played the Krar for his own entertainment after finishing his daily duties. In June 1950, when the Korean War broke out…[full text of this biographical sketch can be obtained at ‘Ethiopian Biographical Strorybook with calendar 2004E.C. edition. Order a copy at www.ethioheritage.com]


•Elias Gebre-Egzabiher (1884/‘92—1962/‘69) Painter, poet & historian born on Yekatit 4 (February 12)

This week in Ethiopian history - (01/27/'12 to 02/03/'12)

3 February 1977 Colonel Mengistu arrested General Teferi Banti and 5 closest allies of the General and later executed them. [On 12 February the DERGUE proclaimed Mengistu Head of State.]

On 31 January 1942 - Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement and Military accord was signed. The Treaty recognized Ethiopia as sovereign independent nation. This came after time of tensions & mistrust between Ethiopian rulers and British government particularly Colonial officials in the immediate months of post liberation. Here is an excerpt from an article written by Professor Richard Pankhurst about Ethio-British relations in the immediate post liberation era.
"..15.5 Ethio-British Relations

The Emperor, after his return to Ethiopia, was largely preoccupied with relations with the British. The latter, who had entered the country as liberators, had in fact replaced the Italians as an occupying power. Relations between the Ethiopians and the British were from the outset ambiguous. British policy towards Ethiopia was first enunciated, in general terms, by Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, who told the British House of Commons, on 4 February 1941, that his government "would welcome the re-appearance of an independent Ethiopian State and recognise the claim of Emperor Haile Sellassie to the throne". Official British policy was further clarified in high-level talks, held shortly afterwards in February and March. These were based, in accordance with Eden's statement, on the "rejection of any idea of a protectorate", or of "the provision of a strong western administration of the country".

15.6 Differing Views on Ethiopia's Future

After the Emperor's return to Addis Ababa, in May, there was, however, considerable tension between the Ethiopians and the British. The two parties differed greatly in their views on the country's future government. The Ethiopians expected to assume full sovereignty without delay, whereas the British considered the country's independence only as a long distance objective. A first clash on this question occurred as early as 11 May 1941, when the Emperor appointed his first post-war cabinet. The British representative, Brigadier Maurice Lush, sternly informed him that such appointments could not be made "until a peace treaty has been effected with Italy" Haile Sellassie was, not surprisingly, indignant. A compromise was, however, duly effected, whereby the British accepted the appointment of the ministers, but "chose to regard them as merely advisers" to the British military administration of the country.

It was symptomatic that the Emperor's private mail was for a time subject to British censorship, and opened by British censors. His Imperial Majesty, we are informed, was not amused.

15.7 "Liberators" or "Looters"?

Tension was further increased by the decision of the British military authorities to appropriate, and take out of the country, some of the principal factories earlier installed by the Italians, as well as weapons, and military and other transport. Ethiopia was thus very visibly empoverished by its liberators, who soon came to be popularly regarded as its looters. Friction was also created by the presence, in the Ethiopian capital, of white South African troops, who attempted to perpetuate the strict colour bar earlier instituted by the Italians.

British opinion in relation to Ethiopia's independence varied greatly. Sir Philip Mitchell, the chief British Political Officer in the Middle East, sought to impose particularly strong control over Ethiopia, but others in London took the view that Great Britain should demonstrate to the world that it could liberate a country without imposing political strings. Sir Philip, because of his official position, was nevertheless able to press the Emperor to abide by British "advice" in "all important matters, internal and external, touching the government of the country"; to levy taxes and allocate expenditure only with "prior approval" of the British Government; to grant British courts jurisdiction over foreigners; "to raise no objection" if the British Commander-in-Chief "found it necessary to resume military control over any part of Ethiopia"; and not to raise armed forces, or undertake military operations, "except as agreed by His Majesty's Government's representative". Taxation, expenditure, communications, and the jurisdiction of foreigners were to be under British control. In return for this extensive control he proposed that the Emperor be offered a subsidy, British advisers, and the opportunity of discussing proposals for a treaty. British Economic Controls

Ethiopia, as a result of its liberation by the British troops, was at this time firmly under British economic as well as political control. The country was incorporated into the British-based Sterling Area, used British East African Shillings, was dependent on a British bank, Barclay's, and was served exclusively by the British Overseas Aviation Corporation, B.O.A.C. Virtually all political power was likewise in the hands of the British military, who went so far as to censor the Emperor's private correspondence. The local British officials were so bent on perpetuating that paramountcy that an American Government memorandum of June 1941 bluntly asserted that Britain was seeking to "establish a protectorate over Abyssinia".

15.8 Proposed Partition of the Country

Some British officials at this period, and for the next few years, moreover sought to partition the country. In the north there were plans to unite parts of Tegray with the adjacent highlands of Eritrea, to form a new state under British protection. In the south-east the British Government proposed incorporating the already British-occupied Ogaden with British-occupied Somalia, to create a Greater Somalia, under British trusteeship. British official thinking also for a time envisaged the partition of Eritrea, with the western portion annexed to the then Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.

For all the above reasons, the fund of Ethiopian good-will towards Britain, the Country's Liberator, was steadily dissipated, giving way to fear, suspicion, mistrust, and even anger.